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The steep price of crossing Nancy Pelosi – War Room
via salon.com
Could it be that the Democrats asked Ms. Harman to run again so that Ms. Winograd could be denied the seat. Making it more readily winnable for the more politically conformist and malleable Ms. Hahn? Carefully planned political positioning could be a better explanatory frame than this political back-biting mythologizing. It certainly plays to an audience enamored of the notion of ‘Bitchdom’ a perennial misogynist trope.
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AOL Buys Huffington Post: Arianna Huffington Calls It Her ‘Last Act’ – The Daily Beast
Arianna Huffington is one of the great self-promoters of our present age,rivaling her precursor Clair Booth Luce in the scope and reach of her political/business ambition. She pays her core staff and then gets the other posters to work for free, for the prestige of appearing on the Huffington Post. She learned that at the knee of the great fake ‘Economist’ and apostle of greed and apologists for thieves Milton Friedman.This could be the root of her addiction to the notion of transcending the ‘politics of left and right’ as no longer viable.Her site is a self-conscious arm of the Democratic Party meaning that it is a propaganda arm of ‘progressive’ Democrats which, in sum, means the timid New Democratic rule of Mr. Obama. Now, the shaping of the public conversation by selective censorship and outright manipulation of ‘progressive’ opinionators, on her site, places her in the same category as Sam Zell and Rupert Murdoch and the other manipulators of the public consciousness for political ends.
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Steve Clemons: Good and Bad News on Jane Harman: Why Her Voice in Congress Matters
Not totally surprising, but the Huffington Post is censoring all negative posts about Jane Harman, in reply to this post by Mr. Clemons; although they did find a Party stooge to post a one line of almost praise. So truly sad. Huff Po will make great partners with AOL and the Democratic Party, the New Trinity in Mind Control and political manipulation.
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El-Baradei A Bad Guy? Don’t Listen To The American Right | The New York Observer
To his fellow Egyptians and to most observers across the world, Mohammed el-Baradei looks like a hero—an international diplomat who might well have lived out his days in the comforts of Geneva and New York, but returned home to provide leadership despite serious personal peril. But to leading figures on the American right, Mr. El-Baradei is a figure to be mocked, scorned and dismissed as a stooge of darker forces in Egyptian politics and the Mideast.
Winner of the Nobel Peace Prize for his years of stewardship of the International Atomic Energy Agency, he is suddenly the target of insults and attacks from Republicans who deem themselves expert on the politics of the Middle East. Former UN ambassador John Bolton calls Mr. El-Baradei a “dilettante” and former White House press secretary Ari Fleischer goes further, calling him “a bad guy.”
The opinions of these veterans of the Bush White House, perhaps the least successful government in American history since the Hoover years, are not worth much—except as a reminder of the continuing ill wind blowing from that defunct administration and its policies. Their hostility to Mr. El-Baradei and to the mass civic movement in Egypt reveals the hollowness and uselessness of the neoconservative worldview at a moment of intense crisis for American diplomacy.
To everyone else, it is obvious that Hosni Mubarak can not abide much longer as president of Egypt, despite the billions in aid that we have lavished on him these past three decades. And to everyone else, it is also obvious that whenever he goes, the most promising alternative is Mr. El-Baradei, a secular liberal with strong ties to the West.
But to the neoconservatives, the possibility that Mr. El-Baradei might help preserve his country’s 80 million souls from bloody chaos matters much less than the fact that he disagreed with them about the invasion of Iraq and that he still disagrees with them about a pre-emptive strike against Iran. He committed the unforgiveable sin of being right when they were wrong about Iraq’s mythical nuclear weapons program, and he has insisted on pursuing a peaceful resolution of Iran’s atomic ambitions as well.
With their peculiar belief that what we always need is more armed conflict in the Mideast, the neoconservatives despise Mr. El-Baradei—although Americans would have saved thousands of lives and trillions of dollars if only we had listened to his truth rather than their lies.
Among those lies, of course, was the notion that “regime change” in Baghdad would spark a democratic renaissance across the Mideast beneficial to America and Israel as well as the people of the region. That didn’t happen, but today a burgeoning movement of youth demanding democracy and human rights has appeared—and the neoconservatives now warn us to fear and reject them.
Let us hope that the Obama administration is sufficiently sensible to ignore such awful advice. Balancing our national security interests against the complexities of places like Egypt and Jordan, with strong Islamic political movements, will be difficult to say the least. But there is no point in nostalgia for the friendly dictators of the past and the arrangements we once made with them. Hysteria over the presence of the Muslim Brotherhood should be assuaged by the example of Turkey, where the ruling Islamist party is seeking even now to restore ties with Israel and join the European Union.
Neglect, arrogance and cynicism have left us with little knowledge and few relationships that will be useful as we cope with momentous changes in the Mideast. If we face that fact, then the last thing we should do is undermine those, like Mr. El Baradei, who might help us negotiate this challenging course.
via observer.com
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Cockeyed Platonist and Egypt II
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/02/06/opinion/06brooks.html?partner=rssnyt&emc=rss
How can an observer not surrender to a specific critical animus toward Cockeyed Platonist (CP), as he opines from his comfortable aerie at The New York Times, on the historic and moving events in Egypt? It is all so manageable in terms of rhetoric, while comfortably ensconced in the verities of an unapologetic American Exceptionalism. And its master frame of the natural superiority of ‘Western Thought’: forgetting that Muslim Scholars were custodians, protectors and commentators on those precious documents, long before ‘The West’ emancipated itself from a manifest authoritarian ‘religious’ regime, of its own making. Not relevant?
CP’s frame is the natural unsuitability, even, inferiority of Egypt as a whole: In education, in politics, in economics for democratic political change to be viable over time. He employs a mass of data in defense of his particularized political fatalism: Mr. Thomas Carothers essay ‘The End of the Transition Paradigm’ is cited, a seventeen page collection of data and analysis of a very interesting kind, yet somehow not entirely relevant- but certainly buttressing the paternalism, the natural superiority of western thinking as guide and mentor to the lesser peoples of the earth. Mr. Carothers is respectable academic and not blatant in the expression of paternalism, but it is unmistakable.
CP’s title is revelatory ‘The 40 % Nation’ I quote: ‘The quality of government agencies over all is a tad better. The World Bank Institute puts Egypt at around the 40th percentile when it comes to government effectiveness. It puts Egypt in the 50th percentile when it comes to the quality of regulations and rule of law. Where it really lags is in measures of responsiveness and accountability. Egypt’s government agencies are among the least responsive on earth.’ Is this conscious political self-parody? Is not one of the founding principles of Modern American Conservatism the central idea of ‘starving the beast’? Or is a necessary opportunism leading his argument and philosophical consistency be dammed?
As presented by CP, The World Bank Institute, U.N. Human Development Index, The World Economic Forum provide telling statistical data in reaffirming the unsuitability of Egyptians to the aspiration of a workable, effective democracy: to create a vital civic life. Is this kind of political fatalism, backed with statistics, from a citizen of a country ranked as average, in its international educational achievement assessment, within the bounds of the credible? Are we correct in our reality based skepticism of this highly garnished argument? I am reminded of a quote from the critic John Simon regarding the fiction of Jacqueline Susanne, and I must rely on my recall: How much of this rotten stew must I eat before I know it is bad?
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Shunya’s Notes: Ramadan and Zizek on Egypt
« Human Planet | Main | Decolonizing My Mind »
February 06, 2011
Ramadan and Zizek on Egypt
Must see. “The revolutionary chants on the streets of Egypt have resonated around the world, but with a popular uprising without a clear direction and an unpopular leader refusing to concede, Egypt’s future hangs in the balance. Riz Khan talks to Muslim scholar Tariq Ramadan and Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Zizek about the power of popular dissent, the limits of peaceful protest and the future of Egyptian politics.”
Posted by Namit Arora at 12:00 AM in Economics, Justice, Politics, Religion, Video | Permalink
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via blog.shunya.net
You will not see this on American television!
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Frank Rich on the Egyptian Revolution and the American Press
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/02/06/opinion/06rich.html?ref=opinion
Here is Frank Rich cutting through the crap that is mainstream American Journalism, in this instance the revolution in the revolution.
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New Statesman – No vindication for neocons
via newstatesman.com
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Deliver us from Leslie Gelb,Policy Expert
http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2011-02-04/egypt-protests-obamas-flip-flop-naive-media-on-extremists-and-more-fears/2/
How does one approach the arrogance, the unregenerate paternalism of the self-appointed ‘Policy Expert’ with all the qualifications needed to cow critics: the prestigious emeritus status bestowed by his fellow experts; is that enough to render ‘serious’ criticism null set? Or are the emerging events of history, played out before our eyes, sufficient demonstration of failed policies and the bankruptcy of the notion of expertise, in the case of our ‘policy’ toward Egypt. Mr. Gelb continues to forcefully remind us of his status as ‘expert’ while we witness minute by minute the unraveling of what ‘expertise’ has wrought. Mr. Gelb manufactures neologisms by the handful to vent his anger at the democrats, who simply state the right of everyone to, at the least, assert their right to self-determination: the right, even the duty to make their own history, freeing themselves from tutelage, in the Kantian sense. But this cannot be tolerated when the Muslim Brotherhood is a part of the political equation: their presence is a threat to the carefully stage-managed ‘stability’ of ‘Middle East Policy’ as a, now, demonstrably failing set of policy imperatives. Mr. Gelb uses the usual fear-mongering, an American Tradition of long standing, to impugn the unmanageable, the seemingly inexplicable human desire for freedom and self-rule within the frame of a vital, energized civic republicanism- this is the point of our own political struggle, our own continuing attempts at achieving that laudable goal. The Egyptian People will struggle as we struggle, that is our common fate as Zoon Politikon. When do we, as citizens and republicans, free ourselves from the self-serving, destructive notion of our political omniscience: it is too late for Mr. Gelb!
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